Scopus İndeksli Yayınlar Koleksiyonu / Scopus Indexed Publications Collection
Permanent URI for this collectionhttps://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11779/1926
Browse
Browsing Scopus İndeksli Yayınlar Koleksiyonu / Scopus Indexed Publications Collection by Department "İİSBF, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü"
Now showing 1 - 20 of 39
- Results Per Page
- Sort Options
Article Citation - Scopus: 23An Analysis of the Causes of Water Crisis in the Euphrates-Tigris River Basin(Springer, 2014) Kibaroğlu, Ayşegül; Maden, Tuğba EvrimThe Euphrates-Tigris river basin now faces severe water crisis that have been fueled by national development projects in a mainly water-scarce region. Increasing demand-induced scarcity is further complicated by a history of international tensions between the three riparian nations of Turkey, Syria and Iraq and has occurred in a changing climate. Water is a critical security issue for these nations. This essay analyses the causes of the water crises by reviewing the historical hydropolitical international relations of the region.Article Citation - WoS: 15Citation - Scopus: 15An Analysis of Turkey’s Water Diplomacy and Its Evolving Position Vis-À International Water Law(Taylor & Francis, 2014) Kibaroğlu, AyşegülThis article analyzes Turkey’s transboundary water policy by examining its institutional framework and basic principles. It explores the reasons why Turkey voted against the UN Watercourses Convention. Turkey’s harmonization with the water law of the European Union is also scrutinized with an aim to assess its implications for transboundary water policy making. Turkish water diplomacy faces new challenges, such as the devastating impacts of prolonged droughts as well as ongoing instability and conflicts in Syria and Iraq. Hence, it is imperative for Turkey to systematically reconcile its water policy objectives in accordance with the global norms that are adopted in this fieldEditorial Ban the Bomb by ... Banning the Bomb? a Turkish Response(Taylor & Francis, 2017) Kibaroğlu, MustafaThe golden age of deterrence has reached its end. Nuclear weapons, once a star player on the international stage, no longer enjoy a place in the limelight. To be sure, some policymakers still ascribe to nuclear weapons the same prestige that, during the Cold War, they gained because of their unmatched destructive power and the leverage they provided nuclear weapon states in the international arena. But the Cold War environment, in which nuclear weapons in the hands of two superpowers played a vital role in maintaining strategic stability, does not exist anymore. Nor is it likely to be replicated in the future – despite certain parallels between US–Soviet relations during the Cold War and present-day US–Russia relations. Meanwhile, it is painfully obvious that nuclear deterrence is useless against apocalyptic terrorist organizations motivated by religious extremism. If such a group acquired and used a nuclear weapon, there would be no “return address” toward which retaliation could be directed. And apocalyptic terrorists probably do not fear destruction in the first place. Now that the golden age of deterrence has reached its end, banning nuclear weapons has become achievable – as long as the values that policymakers ascribe to them can be undermined. Now is the time to strip away the handsome mask that hid nuclear weapons’ ugly face throughout the Cold War. It is time for the world to treat nuclear weapons just like chemical and biological weapons – those other weapons of mass destruction – as mere slaughtering weapons, undeserving of prestige. It is time to ban nuclear weapons – just as biological and chemical weapons were banned through the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention and the Chemical Weapons Convention.Article Citation - WoS: 30Citation - Scopus: 41Barriers in Participative Water Governance: a Critical Analysis of Community Development Approaches(MDPI, 2022) Shunglu, Raghav; Withanachchi, Chandana Rohana; Kibaroǧlu, Ayşegül; Köpke, Sören; Kanoi, Lav; Nissanka, Thushantha S.; Gamage, Deepika U.Participatory approaches within development programs involving common-pool resources are intended to revive a community’s role in managing these resources. Certainly, to ensure the successful and equitable use of such resources, community participation is essential. However, in many cases, attempts at applying a participatory approach often fail to genuinely engage all subgroups within a community due to assumptions of homogeneity and a lack of understanding of the deep socio-political divisions between people. As a result, development programs can be plagued by these pre-existing power relations, potentially resulting in tokenistic community participation and the continuation of elite capture of natural resources to the same extent or worse than before a development program has begun. This in turn can negatively impact good governance and the fair distribution of a common pool resource. This paper explores the use of participatory approaches in water projects, assessing to what degree power relationships impact water management programs. Using a qualitative approach, the paper identifies key challenges of participatory water governance through case studies from Turkey, India, and Sri Lanka, exploring: lack of social trust, elite capture of participatory processes, power heterogeneity and imbalances at the micro-level, and a lack of inclusive participation in decision-making. Based on the analysis of these case studies, this paper argues that it is essential for participatory development interventions to understand socio-political power relations within a community—an inherently complex and contested space. The so-called “exit strategy” of a community project play a key role to decide the project sustainability that grants the “community ownership” of the project. Such an understanding can bring about greater success in development interventions attempting to address water-related issues.Article Citation - WoS: 2Citation - Scopus: 2Bedouins and In-Between Border Space in the Northern Sinai(Taylor & Francis, 2019) Görmüş, EvrimThe northern Sinai as interstice space of contestation offers useful insights concerning the relation between the dynamics of power and resistance. This article aims to analyse the complex relationship between the local inhabitants’ belonging and spatial practices by referring to the idea of in-betweenness. The article uses the notion of in-between border space to understand the Bedouins’ changing identity formations within a given spatial situation, as well as to trace the Egyptian State’s spatial variations in achieving social control within its territory. It is argued that the decades-long marginalization and oppression of the Bedouins by the Egyptian State turned their borderland region into a space of resistance and leaded to the forming of spatio-temporal identities in-between border space in the northern Sinai.Article Citation - WoS: 2Citation - Scopus: 2Between a Rock and a Hard Place: How To Make Sense of Turkey’s S-400 Choice(SETA Foundation, 2020) Kibaroğlu, MustafaWith the wrap-up of the S-400 deal with Russia in December 2017, critics argue that Turkey is caught between a rock and a hard place due to the adamant opposition of its NATO allies, the United States in particular, which has threatened Ankara with imposing severe sanctions. Would this be the correct representation of the situation at hand? Does it make any sense for Turkey to engage Russia, an archrival nation, to enhance the security of the country? Is the S-400 deal worth the risk of alienating the allied nations whose projected sanctions may have wide-ranging political, economic and military repercussions? With these questions in mind, this paper will try to shed light on the specifics of the S-400 deal that make one think that it may indeed make sense for Turkey to bear the brunt of engaging Russia. In the same vein, the paper will assess the impact of the S-400 deal on Turkey’s defense industries. The paper will also present the author’s conception of the current “international political non-order” as an underlying factor behind the deal. Finally, the paper will suggest that the S-400 deal must be approached from a wider perspective so as to grasp the extent of the service it has done in bolstering Turkey’s military-industrial complex. © 2020, SETA Foundation. All rights reserved.Article Citation - WoS: 2Citation - Scopus: 7Business as Usual: the U.s.-Turkey Security Partnership(Wiley, 2015) Sazak, Selim C.; Kibaroğlu, MustafaThe direction Turkey’s domestic politics has taken in recent years, Turkey’s aspira- tions for greater latitude in shaping region- al politics, and the incongruity of Turkey’s security interests with the policy objectives of its Western allies have all contributed to these troubles. Yet, the alarmists accusing Turkey of abandoning the West are em- bracing a one-sided and distorted narrative that further antagonizes Ankara and deepens the rift with its Western allies.The path to a robust alliance that can address the myriad challenges in the Middle East and beyond is a constructive dialogue between Turkey and its allies aimed at identifying the fulcrum that balances Turkey’s legitimate security interests with the broader objectives of its allies.Article Citation - WoS: 7Citation - Scopus: 8Business People in War Times, the ‘fluid Capital’ and the ‘shy Diaspora’: the Case of Syrians in Turkey(Oxford University Press, 2021) Akçalı, Emel; Görmüş, EvrimDue to intensive conflict, a significant amount of Syrian capital flight has funnelled to Turkey since 2011. Drawing upon fieldwork conducted in five major Turkish cities which have hosted the highest number of Syrian business people, this paper first reveals the convergence of the interests of the host state and of the displaced capital owners, as well as the increasing transnationalization of Syrian economic practices. It then assesses the capacity and/or willingness of the Syrian business people to organize themselves as an interest group regarding their interests in Turkey and to assist the process of conflict resolution in Syria. Finally, the paper reflects upon whether a hybrid identity is in the making within the Syrian business diaspora in Turkey. Our findings suggest that the Syrian business diaspora in Turkey is evolving itself into a transnational business community, and developing hybrid socio-economic practices. Yet, we delineate this flourishing community as ‘shy’ because the issues concerning both domestic and Syrian politics are carefully being avoided to keep stability and unity within. This consequently hinders the Syrian business community to form itself as an interest group in Turkey focused on conflict resolution and post-conflict reconstruction in Syria.Article Calling for a Reset in Turkish-American Relations in the Post-COVID International Order(SETA Foundation, 2020) Kibaroğlu, MustafaAnalysts emphasize that nothing will be the same after the pandemic and refer to the ‘new normal’ that is likely to prevail everywhere in the world. It would be a legitimate question to ask if this would provide a conducive environment for Turkey and the United States to reset their relations that have much deteriorated lately. This article will, first, highlight the contours of the ‘new normal’ narrative by referring to the views expressed by politicians, academics, analysts, journalists and intellectuals from around the world. Second, the article will assess the implications of the parameters of the ‘new normal’ for key actors in world politics, such as the United States, China, the European Union and Russia, as well as Turkey’s Middle Eastern neighbors, with respect to the issues that will be at stake in the international security environment. Finally, the article will make a call for a reset in Turkish-American relations in order for the two long-standing allies to adapt themselves better to post-COVID international politics. © 2020, SETA Foundation. All rights reserved.Article Citation - WoS: 51Citation - Scopus: 56De-Europeanisation in Turkey: the Case of the Rule of Law(Taylor & Francis, 2016) Saatçioğlu, BekenThis article investigates the political dynamics shaping the post-2010 ‘de-Europeanisation’ of Turkey’s judicial system, particularly regarding judicial independence and rule of law. The analysis suggests the limits of conventional Europeanisation accounts emphasising causal factors such as European Union (EU) conditionality and the ‘lock-in effects’ of liberal reforms due to the benefits of EU accession. The article argues that the Justice and Development Party’s (AKP’s) bid for political hegemony resulted in the reversal of rule of law reforms. De-Europeanisation is discussed in terms of both legislative changes and the government’s observed discourse shift.Editorial Citation - WoS: 4Citation - Scopus: 4Engineered Rivers in Arid Lands: Searching for Sustainability in Theory and Practice(Taylor & Francis, 2017) Schmandt, Jurgen; Ward, George; Kibaroğlu, AyşegülBeginning in the early twentieth century and progressing rapidly since the 1950s, large-scale water works have created engineered rivers. In dry-land basins they control flooding and provide water and energy to farms, cities and industry. Yet, they face numerous challenges. In 2013 we formed an interdisciplinary team to study future conditions of nine river basins worldwide. This paper presents the methodology and interim results for two of our basins, the Rio Grande and the Euphrates-Tigris. We conclude with a new definition of the sustainability of engineered rivers in arid lands, using dependable reservoir yield under drought conditions as the central indicator.Article Examining Factors Influencing Turkish Jewish Attitudes Towards the Armenian Genocide(Wiley, 2024) Kaymak, Özgür; Nefes, Türkay Salim; Gürpınar, DoğanThe most prominent issue influencing Turkish-Armenian relations is the international recognition of the Armenian genocide. However, there is a notable absence of empirical analyses regarding the perceptions of the genocide among the Turkish population. This study aims to fill this scholarly gap by exploring, for the first time, the perspectives of Turkish Jews. It analyses evidence collected from interviews conducted with 14 Turkish Jews, utilising Stanley Cohen's (2001) theoretical framework, which aids in delineating significant factors by a categorisation of types of acceptance and denial. The findings highlight a diversity of responses linked to political attitudes, which can be broadly categorised into Kayades and Avlaremoz mindsets. They also show that Turkish Jews' views on the Holocaust influence how they perceive the Armenian genocide. Additionally, the results indicate that Cohen's approach is useful in explaining non-denying responses. In conclusion, the study argues that Turkish Jews' perspectives appear to be strongly related to their stance towards the Turkish state and the Holocaust.Article Exceptionalism and Its Discontents: Israel, Iran, and the Crisis of Global Norms(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2025) Çağlar, BarışThis essay scrutinizes a particular 'normal' in international politics - Israeli nuclear exceptionalism and immunity from critique - by explicating the legal, normative, discursive, and regional security dimensions of the crisis precipitated by Israel's June 2025 military strikes on Iran. These strikes lacked the imminence required for preemptive warfare and constituted unprovoked aggression, a breach of international law, and a disregard for diplomacy,violating ongoing US-Iran nuclear negotiations. They reflect a long-standing policy that allows Israel to maintain an undeclared arsenal and remain outside the Non-Proliferation Treaty. Israeli prerogatives are sustained by a Western consensus that renders them a persistent double standard - this time contested by Spain and France. Examining the legal, strategic, and normative fallout of what has become a politically correct Western double standard, the essay also explores how Israeli nuclear exceptionalism operates through discursive and epistemic violence - unpacked via engagements with earlier scholarship on discursive deconstruction revealing the multifaceted clerical political thought, the transnational investment bloc, and Iran's pragmatically driven survival strategies. Ultimately, the essay calls for deconstructing entrenched narratives shaped by Orientalist bias and foregrounds Gulf-based nuclear consortiums as multilateral alternatives that challenge dominant constructions of power, threat, and legitimacy in international politics.Article Citation - WoS: 2Citation - Scopus: 6Food Banks and Food Insecurity: Cases of Brazil and Turkey(Taylor & Francis, 2018) Görmüş, EvrimThe ascendency of global neoliberal economic policies seriously challenged universalist and right-based welfare policies and promoted the idea of targeted and selective allocations to the poor with private provision for the better of in both high-income and developing countries since the mid-1980s. This article focuses on food banking as an example of targeted social provisioning and provides contrasting observations from food bank programs in Brazil and Turkey. The article traces some different approaches and practices of food banks, and argues that food banks could be part of the progressive social policies that address the root causes of hunger among developing countries within neoliberal economic restructuring.Article Citation - WoS: 1Citation - Scopus: 1Illiberal Challenges To the European Union's Legitimacy From Within and Without: the Rule of Law and Refugee Crises(Taylor and Francis Group, 2022) Saatcioğlu, Beken; Colella, Diğdem Soyaltın; Gülmez, Didem BuhariThis study revisits the academic debate on rising populism and illiberalism in Europe that reduces the EU’s crises to those involving ‘liberal EU’ and ‘illiberal regimes’ without necessarily differentiating between these regimes. Applying Suchman’s multidimensional account of legitimacy to the EU, it unpacks the varying domestic contestations of two illiberal regimes against the different components of EU legitimacy within the context of two recent EU crises. Comparative analysis of how an illiberal insider (Hungary) and an illiberal outsider (Turkey) challenge the EU’s legitimacy in handling the rule of law and Syrian refugee crises, respectively, revealed two findings. First, Hungarian and Turkish actors raise divergent legitimacy contestations against the EU’s crisis management in the select cases. Second, their positionality towards the EU drives this divergence. While both countries seek to delegitimise the EU, their points of contention differ based on being in or outside the EU.Article Citation - WoS: 1Citation - Scopus: 1Mobilising Youth for Elections: Electoral Inclusion of Youth in Turkey Under Competitive Authoritarianism(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2024) Uzun, Begüm; Keçecioğlu, ZeynoScholars have paid scant attention to how state-society relations are shaped in contexts where democratic and authoritarian institutions co-exist under new forms of authoritarianism. Furthermore, the realm of youth citizenship in such regimes is a nascent area warranting deeper exploration. This study draws on the case of Turkey to address these gaps by investigating why political parties, which previously marginalised young voters, have fervently mobilised youth during elections that paradoxically coincided with the process of autocratisation. We employ a content analysis of party programmes, election manifestos, and social media campaign content of major political parties, as well as secondary sources on Turkish and youth politics spanning from 1983 to 2023, to address this puzzle. Our analysis unveils three key findings. Firstly, transformative events such as the Gezi Park Protests and digital activism have invigorated youth political involvement, compelling both government and opposition parties to prioritise youth electoral engagement. Secondly, the shift from a parliamentary to a presidential system has heightened political parties' focus on securing the youth vote to win elections. Lastly, political parties strive to align youth political values with their own ideologies, and the process of election campaigning provides ample opportunities for such a goal.Editorial Citation - Scopus: 2Mr. Trump, Post Nuclear Ban Treaty, Nato’s Nuclear Weapons in Europe Are Obsolete(SETA, 2017) Kibaroğlu, Mustafa; Sauer, TomThis commentary makes the case as to why the U.S. tactical nuclear weapons that have been stationed in Europe since the 1960s should be removed, and how this could be done in the most effective way under the presidency of Donald Trump. It concludes with a summary of the expected benefits of this move, and a reminder that the costs of continued muddling through are substantial.Article Citation - WoS: 1Citation - Scopus: 2Polarisation and Youth in Turkey: Young People as Gatekeepers or Challengers of Polarisation?(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2024) Lüküslü, Demet; Uzun, BegümAmid global trends of increased polarisation and Turkey's deep-seated ethnic, religious, and cultural cleavages, polarisation poses significant risks to democratic sustainability in Turkey. This study, leveraging a 2017 national survey and in-depth interviews with young people during a pivotal shift to a presidential regime, explores whether youth remain divided by political attitudes and cultural values or challenge entrenched divisions in society. We found that both sociocultural identities (being religious or secular) and partisan identities (supporting the ruling powers or the opposition) create issue-based polarisation among youth. Contrary to expectations, however, this polarisation does not extend to an affective one, suggesting a complex, nuanced landscape of political engagement and potential for bridging divides.Book Part Rising Illiberalism in the European Periphery and the Eu's Application of Membership Conditionality for Democratic Governance(Springer International Publishing, 2022) Saatçioğlu, BekenIlliberalism has recently risen both within the EU and in the European periphery following a global trend of democratic recession, which includes notable cases such as Hungary, Poland, and Turkey, among others. This has revived interest in the EU's role and capacity for promoting liberal democratic governance, as the principal international institution with claims to liberal democratic rule transfer. This chapter investigates how consistently the EU has used its principal policy instrument to tackle illiberalism, namely, membership conditionality. It focuses on EU-Turkey relations within the context of the 2015/2016 Syrian refugee crisis as a test case for the EU's ability and willingness to execute conditionality in times of crisis. Two arguments are made. First, as the EU externalised the crisis to Turkey, consistency of conditionality was compromised by European geostrategic interests that trumped the pursuit of democratic values vis-a-vis Turkey. Second, the strategic EU-Turkey partnership that ensued served to deepen Turkey's move away from the EU's democratic norms that lie at the heart of political conditionality. Consequently, unintended illiberal outcomes were fostered by the EU's transactional policy vis-a-vis Turkey. © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022.Article Ruling Through Exception: Lawfare, Securitised Warfare and the Intermestic Logic of Authoritarianism(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2025) Çağlar, BarışThis article develops an original interdisciplinary framework for analysing authoritarian regimes. It coins, for the first time, the concept of securitised warfare, theorising its conceptual foundations, and it also originates and develops an original theoretical framework synthesising securitisation, authoritarianism and structuration. Securitised warfare - defined here as the outward intermestic manifestation of lawfare - is shown to be mutually constitutive with lawfare, the strategic misuse of the legal system for political gain, with both reinforcing the consolidation of authoritarian rule. Focusing on Turkey (2015-2025), the article illustrates how the regime employed legal repression as a political instrument, particularly in the cases of Selahattin Demirta & scedil; and Ekrem & Idot;mamo & gbreve;lu. Simultaneously, the suppression of Kurdish groups in Syria exemplifies securitised dynamics shaped in conjunction with domestic politics. Using Lijphart's hypothesis-generation method and within-case process tracing, the study demonstrates how lawfare and securitised warfare function both as Schmittian exceptions and as routinised Giddensian institutional practices. The framework conceptualises the historical transition from national security state to neoliberal security state, culminating in the consolidation of an autocratic regime whose logic exceeds conventional regime security. This transformation is theorised through securitised warfare - explaining how domestic and foreign policy are increasingly governed by a unified logic of authoritarian control.
