Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü Koleksiyonu
Permanent URI for this collectionhttps://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11779/1939
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Article A Discourse Analysis of Bilateral Water Agreements Between Türkiye and Iraq: Legal Instruments of Water Diplomacy in the Euphrates-Tigris River Basin(International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics, 2026) Güleç, Cansu; Kibaroglu, AysegulThis study examines the discursive dynamics of bilateral water diplomacy between T & uuml;rkiye and Iraq through a detailed analysis of the legal agreements governing the Euphrates-Tigris (ET) River system. Rather than focusing on the implementation or efficacy of these agreements, the paper investigates how discourse shapes the roles, identities, and power hierarchies of the involved actors over time. Employing a discourse-analytical framework, the research explores how water agreements position actors, embed values, and narrate cooperation in evolving geopolitical contexts. The paper begins with a historical overview of transboundary water relations in the ET basin, emphasizing the prevalence of bilateralism. It then lays out the conceptual and methodological foundations of discourse analysis, drawing on key literature and analytical categories such as presupposition, predication, and subject positioning. The core section applies this framework to four key water agreements between T & uuml;rkiye and Iraq, highlighting thematic shifts and evolving actor roles. A discussion section synthesizes findings through Doty's (1993) discourse model, emphasizing how identities and relations are constructed over time. Finally, the conclusion reflects on the implications of these discursive trends for the future of water diplomacy in the region. The T & uuml;rkiye-Iraq case reveals how bilateral agreements can evolve into discursive tools that align with evolving global water management paradigms, offering politically sensitive basins a transferable approach to linking contested transboundary water issues with more comprehensive and partnership-based water diplomacy.Article Turkey and the EU: Partners or Competitors in the Western Balkans?(2019) Saatçioğlu, BekenThe article analyzes EU-Turkey relations in the Western Balkans (WB) in an attempt to uncover the cooperation and conflict potential between the two in the region. Specifically, it assesses the extent to which Turkey can be considered a partner of the EU versus representing acompetitor or even an alternative to Brussels for the WB countries. It argues that positing Turkey as a proactive, alternative regional power seeking to expand its presence and influence in the region at the EU’s expense are overstated.Despite the EU’s damaged credibility in the pursuit of its enlargement policy, Turkey’s capabilities, incentives and foreign policy priorities simply fall short of producing a competitive “Turkish model/alternative” in the region. First, there are practical limits to Turkey’s regional power status, which is far from representing a realistic substitute for the WB countries’ Euro-Atlantic ties. In addition, despite the difficulties ahead, these countries still aspire for integration into European structures, which is also aligned with Turkey’s foreign policy interests. Second, limitations aside, gaining hegemony in the WB is not Ankara’s foreign policy priority given the urgency of multiple policy issues waiting to be tackled on all fronts. Third, from a Realpolitik standpoint, Turkey and the EU are expected to constructively engage to find solutions for common challenges such as migration, which concerns the WB as well.Article Towards Water Regionalism? Examining the Linkages Between Water, Infrastructures, and Regionalism in Turkey(Routledge, 2024) Sayan, R.C.; Bilgen, A.; Kibaroğlu, A.Moving beyond the purely material understanding of infrastructures, new perspectives in infrastructural regionalism assert that infrastructures and regions simultaneously shape each other. Drawing on this reciprocal relationship, we introduce the concept of ‘water regionalism’ to examine how regional factors, dynamics, and complexities shape water infrastructures, and how water infrastructures concurrently shape regions. Through qualitative research methodologies, we empirically demonstrate how this concept operates in practice by examining the history of regional planning and hydraulic infrastructure development in Turkey, particularly the process of how the South-eastern Anatolia Project (GAP) and the GAP region have shaped each other since the 1970s. © 2024 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group.Article Citation - WoS: 4Citation - Scopus: 6Turkey's Green Imagination: the Spatiality of the Low-Carbon Energy Transition Within the Eu Green Deal(Uluslararasi Iliskiler Konseyi Dernegi, 2023) Akçalı, Emel; Özel, Soli; Görmüş, EvrimThis article asks the extent to which the EU Green Deal influences the EU periphery today and builds on the spatial conditions of multiple, co-existing decarbonization pathways within the EU Green Deal while problematizing the 'green imagination' of Turkey as an immediate neighbour and a candidate country for membership in the EU. As such, it uncovers that the current low-carbon transition process in Turkey is prone to be shaped by the highly politicized energy market in an authoritarian neoliberal structure on the one hand, and Turkey's priorities in energy issues and hard security on the other. The findings further reveal that Turkey's efforts to use more domestic energy resources to meet its consumption needs might also interfere with its efforts and obligations to decarbonize its energy sector. The scrutiny into the low-carbon energy transition in Turkey accordingl contributes further insight into the consequences of the spatiality of such transitions in an authoritarian neoliberal context, and what other alternative policies can be imagined and put in practice. Thus, more empirical research is warranted to reveal the spatiality of the low-carbon energy transition across various geographical settings. At the same time, the article argues that both the EU and its partners such as Turkey should be weary of creating green utopias when redesigning their green-energy space since utopias tout court may not always stimulate large-scale change in a revolutionary way in terms of sustainability, feasibility, good practice, and inclusiveness in decision-making processes.Article Nuclear Non-Threatin the Context of Russian Invasion of Ukraine(Turkish Policy Quarterly, 2023) Demircioglu, AliIn the contemporary nuclear era, power relations between the Nuclear Weapon States and others become more troubled due to Russia's invasion of Ukraine. The use of strategic nuclear weapons is highly concerning, but the case's reality would not allow this possibility. The power struggle dominant powers had experienced over the economic and military aspects combined with the Strategic Nuclear Weapons' ability to mass murder. Even though international norms do not allow such usage, we can easily argue that any NWS willingly goes down that road in the face of interest. The war in Ukraine taught us that higher structures that possess nuclear weapons with better economies dominate other states that lack such a power. The way international relations work, there is not enough institute that guarantees the functioning of a liberal order.Article Nükleer Çok Kutuplu Dünyadaki Nükleer Güvenlik İkilemi Sıfır Açlığa Karşı(2024) Alkanalka, MehmetThe Russia–Ukraine war has increased the risk not only of nuclear weapons use but also of the food crisis. A world free of nuclear weapons has once again emerged among the strategic priorities of international relations and states. We live in an age where the sources of threats are not limited to war and the threat of using nuclear weapons but also include the global climate crisis, starvation, and migration, which affect a significant part of humanity and also challenge security. Currently, a significant proportion of the global population suffers from hunger, intensified further by the coronavirus disease and economic crisis. In this article, I intend to dispense with nuclear weapons—one of the biggest threats to world stability, costing billions of dollars that fall within the scope of sunk costs—to contribute to ending hunger—one of the biggest threats to humanity— in the light of “Let humanity live so that the state can live” philosophy, and to fight the global climate crisis. This study suggests a creative perspective and addresses the problems holistically by providing a peace research analysis on the nexus of peace, security, and solidarity.Book Part Türkiye’s Humanitarian Diplomacy Efforts During Pandemic Era: Scope and Challenges(Tekirdağ Namık Kemal University Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences International Symposium on International Relations, 2023) Güleç, CansuThere is no universally agreed-upon definition of the term humanitarian diplomacy, which covers activities carried out tomeet the urgent needs and alleviate the suffering of victims of humanitarian crises, natural disasters, or man-madedisasters such as civil war. This concept, which has been widely used in the International Relations literature during the2000s, aims to mobilize both public and government support and resources for humanitarian activities and programs. Inthis framework, various actors including International Organizations, Non-governmental Organizations, private sector, andindividuals operate along with the states. The COVID-19 pandemic, which was first reported by officials in Wuhan City,China, on December 31, 2019, has caused the death of millions of people, disrupted the international economy, andchanged all aspects of social life with its ravages. In the face of the COVID-19 pandemic, affecting the whole world andturning into a global crisis, all national and international actors, especially the states, have been insufficient in terms of theircapacity to manage the crisis. During this humanitarian crisis process, where there has been a need for solidarity andcooperation at various levels among all national and international actors, Türkiye has taken initiatives for humanitariandiplomacy activities beyond its borders, while struggling against this disease within its own borders. In this context, Turkishauthorities have stated that “Türkiye will continue to put forward its initiatives for the recuperation from this calamity ofhumanity in cooperation and solidarity, and use the lessons learnt to pave the way for a fairer, share-based and effectivestructure of the international system in the post-pandemic World”. The aim of this study, in which Türkiye’s humanitariandiplomacy practices during the COVID-19 pandemic process are analyzed, is to reveal how Türkiye’s humanitariandiplomacy activities during the pandemic process have become operational. In this framework, this study focuses initiallyon the elaboration of the concept of Humanitarian Diplomacy. Then, the impact of the COVID-19 process on Türkiye’shumanitarian diplomacy activities, and the domain and limitations of these activities will be discussed.Conference Object A Post-Structuralist Approach To Security: an Analysis of Nato 2022 Strategic Concept(Hitit Üniversitesi, 2022) Güleç, CansuOne of the theoretical formations of post-positivist thought in International Relations is post-structuralism which became part of the literature in the 1980s. Post-structuralism claims a different position from the traditional realist and idealist perspectives in the field of security studies by offering the connection between national identity and security politics and the discursive character of the concept of security. Accordingly, the practices of security construct the national “self” by indicating the difference between itself and the “other”. In that sense, policy discourses are considered inherently social since the policy-making elite address the wider public sphere to institutionalize their understanding of the identities and policy options. Therefore, in order to understand the foreign and security policies of the actors involved in International Relations, the examination of the speeches and statements of policy makers, politicians or bureaucrats, the documents written by the institutions involved in foreign policy making has been an increasingly used as a method. In this context, official speeches, statements, parliamentary debates, diplomatic correspondence, interviews, newspapers, photographs and videos can be used in discourse analysis studies. The aim of this paper is to understand and situate NATO’s discourse within the framework of its recent Strategic Concept of 2022. In this framework, after the elaboration of concept of discourse and discourse analysis, the construction and hierarchical positioning of different actors in the text will be analyzed by asking “how” questions. In that sense, Roxanne Lynn Doty’s concepts of “presupposition”, “predication” and “subject positioning” will be used as analytical categories to provide a textual framework. The representational practices through which meaning are generated is crucial in this study. Accordingly, the discursive identities produced by NATO will be examined in order to understand the attachments to various social objects and subjects in international environment.Article Citation - WoS: 4Citation - Scopus: 7Turkish Parliamentary Debates About the International Recognition of the Armenian Genocide: Development and Variations in the Official Denialism(Routledge, 2022) Nefes, Türkay Salim; Gürpinar, Dogan; Kaymak, ÖzgürThe main source of animosity in modern Turkish–Armenian relations is the debate on the international recognition of the Armenian genocide. To provide an evidence-based and thorough perspective on the Turkish political stance in this discussion, this article explores all the relevant speeches in Turkish parliamentary records. It pays particular attention to political parties’ stances, the historical evolution of the debate, and the significance of the individual profiles of parliamentarians who contributed to the discussion. The findings show that most political parties in Turkey articulated versions of denial, except for a few marginal anti-denial voices. The study concludes that while political parties’ ideological orientations predominantly shape the Turkish debate on the international recognition of the Armenian genocide, historical contexts, local memories, and the individual backgrounds of parliamentarians seem to inspire minor variations in their tones. © 2022 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group.Article Citation - WoS: 1Citation - Scopus: 2Illiberal Challenges To the European Union's Legitimacy From Within and Without: the Rule of Law and Refugee Crises(Taylor and Francis Group, 2022) Saatcioğlu, Beken; Colella, Diğdem Soyaltın; Gülmez, Didem Buhari; Buhari Gülmez, Didem; Soyaltin Colella, DigdemThis study revisits the academic debate on rising populism and illiberalism in Europe that reduces the EU’s crises to those involving ‘liberal EU’ and ‘illiberal regimes’ without necessarily differentiating between these regimes. Applying Suchman’s multidimensional account of legitimacy to the EU, it unpacks the varying domestic contestations of two illiberal regimes against the different components of EU legitimacy within the context of two recent EU crises. Comparative analysis of how an illiberal insider (Hungary) and an illiberal outsider (Turkey) challenge the EU’s legitimacy in handling the rule of law and Syrian refugee crises, respectively, revealed two findings. First, Hungarian and Turkish actors raise divergent legitimacy contestations against the EU’s crisis management in the select cases. Second, their positionality towards the EU drives this divergence. While both countries seek to delegitimise the EU, their points of contention differ based on being in or outside the EU.